Links on Indonesia’s next foreign minister

A few interesting stories on Indonesia’s next foreign minister this week.

First off, The Jakarta Globe ran a story essentially arguing that current foreign minister Marty Natalegawa should remain in his post when Jokowi announces his cabinet lineup in October.

That Marty is a frontrunner is no surprise. Many credited him with maintaining, if not raising, Indonesia’s regional and global profile under president Yudhoyono. A recent poll conducted by the Jokowi Center, a volunteer network, puts Marty as the most popular candidate for the post under Jokowi’s first term.

But today, in an op-ed for The Jakarta Post, former Ambassador to Switzerland and PAN lawmaker Djoko Susilo argued that the foreign ministry’s institutional development has been in decline under Marty’s tenure. The article also gave an insider’s perspective on the bureaucratic challenges running a foreign ministry with global ambitions supporter by a budget of only around $550 million (for details on the foreign ministry reform under Marty’s predecessor, Hassan Wirajuda, see Greta Nabbs-Keller’s paper)

Meanwhile, current deputy foreign minister Dino Patti Djalal (former ambassador to the US and presidential candidate hopeful), said today that he would be willing to serve as foreign minister “if the Republic calls me.”

Aside from these two names, there are other candidates swirling around the Jakarta rumor mill.

Continue reading


The Hidden Challenges of Indonesia’s Defence Modernisation

The acquisition by Indonesia’s Ministry of Defense (MoD) of ForceSHIELD – an integrated, advanced air-defence system – earlier this year is the latest in a long succession of similar purchases, reflecting the country’s decade-long drive to obtain state-of-the-art weapons systems. For a country on the brink of collapse in the late 1990s, following the Asian financial crisis and the end of authoritarian rule, its recent shopping list is impressive.

It includes over 100 Leopard main battle tanks from Germany, three Chang Bogo-class attack submarines from South Korea (and possibly ten more from Russia), several SIGMAclass corvettes from the Netherlands, a squadron of Sukhoi multi-role combat aircraft from Russia, and possibly twenty four F-16C/D fighters from the US. This is in addition to new trainer and ground-attack aircraft, including sixteen T-50 Golden Eagles from South Korea and eight EMB-314 Super Tucanos from Brazil, as well as eight AH-64D Apache attack helicopters and dozens of new infantry fighting vehicles.

The UK is one of the largest European arms suppliers to Indonesia. According to a report by the NGO Campaign Against Arms Trade, official government records indicate that between 1995 and 2005, more than half of Indonesia’s weapons came from the UK. From 1997 to 2004, the UK’s total arms exports to Indonesia – including armoured personnel carriers, Hawk fighter jets and Scorpion light tanks – were valued at around £393 million.

Following a visit by British Prime Minister David Cameron to Jakarta in April 2012, the two countries agreed to further strengthen defence co-operation in various fields, from military training to weapons procurement. In January 2013, Indonesia’s MoD signed contracts with UK manufacturers to procure the Starstreak man-portable air-defence system, as well as spare parts for aircraft and light tanks already in its inventory. This is in addition to the agreement to acquire three BAE-manufactured advanced offshore patrol vessels originally meant for Brunei.

The scale and scope of Indonesia’s arms deals, with both the UK and other military powers worldwide, suggests that the country is pursuing an ambitious drive to become a major power in the Indo-Pacific region. A stable democratic political system, a sound economic foundation and a growing global role have already allowed Jakarta to burnish its ‘soft-power’ credentials. What is missing, some argue, is a fully modernised military that would allow it to join the ranks of the region’s premier powers, such as Australia, China and India.

However, such inferences gloss over the complexity and challenges inherent to Indonesia’s post-authoritarian defence modernisation.

Continue reading